Text messages, combined with statements from Tallahassee City Manager Karen Jumonville, raise questions about whether members of the City Commission used a political consultant to coordinate efforts to remove the city’s top administrator outside the public view. Jumonville said her perception was Yordon was acting as “an intermediary for the three as part of a conspiracy.”

Yordon disagreed with Jumonville’s assessment. He told TR it was not a conspiracy it was math.

“I tried to convince Jack to give her a chance, and did not get a positive response. I tried separately to convince Jeremy to give her a chance and did not get a positive response. I have never talked to PJ about this and I told Karen that. Is there anyone who watched those campaigns who believes PJ would not be a third vote? And I told Karen that as well. That’s not a conspiracy, that’s math,” said Yordon.

The text messages, obtained by Tallahassee Reports, document communications between political consultant and city lobbyist Gary Yordon and Jumonville, including references to conversations with political figures and efforts to arrange a private meeting with the city manager.

According to Jumonville, that meeting included a warning that commissioners had already secured enough votes to terminate her employment and intended to act on Wednesday, November 18.

“He basically told me that they have the votes to fire me,” Jumonville said, “and that they plan to do it on Wednesday.”

Jumonville, who described herself as “heartbroken,” also said Yordon discussed an arrangement that would allow her to step down as city manager while receiving a one-year contract as a city consultant.

The account raises a fundamental question under Florida’s Sunshine Law: Were elected officials discussing and coordinating the removal of the city manager through a private intermediary rather than deliberating in a publicly noticed meeting?

The Text Messages

The text messages obtained by Tallahassee Reports provide a window into the chronology and communications preceding Yordon’s meeting with Jumonville.

In the first group of text messages, Yordon writes “I thought you were the perfect choice” and indicates he had talked to every candidate and those already in office and said he “shared my feelings about how special you are.”

Yordon then said “I now have the ear of the majority” and indicated he had talked to Matlow and had a meeting scheduled with Porter. He concluded, “I think things will work out.” He added, “I had a long talk with Jeremy after the show, and Jack wants to meet with me on Thursday.”

However, the tone of the messages changed when Yordon wrote, “I’ve had a chance to talk with everyone. Can we meet this afternoon?” Jumonville requested a phone call, but Yordon pushed for a meeting. “This should be in person. I think. There’s things that we need to talk thru.” he wrote.

Jumonville’s subsequent account of the meeting raises questions about whether Yordon was simply offering personal advice or conveying information obtained through discussions with commissioners.

Who Had the Votes?

Perhaps the most consequential statement attributed to Yordon is his assertion that commissioners already had sufficient votes to fire Jumonville.

Florida’s Sunshine Law generally prohibits two or more members of the same elected board from privately discussing matters on which foreseeable official action will be taken.

The prohibition also extends to efforts to circumvent public deliberations by using an intermediary to communicate positions between elected officials.

However, Yordon told TR, “It’s comical to think someone needed to do anything more than casually follow the campaigns to figure out they would have three votes. And Karen knows that as well because she agreed when we specifically discussed that reality.”

A Proposed Deal Raises Additional Questions

Jumonville’s description of the proposed one-year consulting contract introduces another issue.

According to her account, Yordon discussed an alternative under which she would voluntarily leave the city manager position but continue working for the city under a separate consulting arrangement saying “they” want to make easy for everyone.

Who developed that proposal?

Did any commissioner authorize Yordon to present it?

And had commissioners discussed or agreed upon the terms before the proposal was communicated to Jumonville?

Those questions are significant because the proposed arrangement would potentially involve the expenditure of public funds and a change in the city manager’s employment status.

A Florida Court Has Examined a Similar Case

A 2018 Florida appellate court decision involving the City of Port St. Lucie provides a notable comparison.

In Transparency for Florida, Inc. v. City of Port St. Lucie, 240 So. 3d 780, the Fourth District Court of Appeal examined allegations that a city attorney privately contacted individual council members concerning the city manager’s termination and a possible separation agreement.

The city attorney also approached the manager about leaving his position.

The appellate court reversed summary judgment in favor of the city, finding that disputed facts remained concerning whether the private communications violated the Sunshine Law and whether subsequent public proceedings cured any violation.

The ruling did not establish that a violation had occurred, but it underscored that public officials cannot necessarily avoid open-meeting requirements by communicating through another person.

However, while the proposal addresses several contentious issues, it does not quantify the financial impact of new provisions, including a proposed 42-hour firefighter workweek, or specify how those changes would affect fire assessment rates paid by city and county property owners.

The proposal, outlined in a joint letter and a 20-point Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) framework, would maintain the Tallahassee Fire Department as the provider of fire services throughout the city and unincorporated Leon County.

The agreement would also address fire assessment fees, financial oversight, firefighter working conditions, and the construction of a new fire station on Tallahassee’s Southside.

Caban and Matlow described the proposal as a “Generational Public Safety deal” intended to restore cooperation between the two governments and provide long-term stability.

The proposed agreement would require approval by both the Tallahassee City Commission and Leon County Board of County Commissioners following staff and legal review.

Financial Oversight and Fire Fees

Under the proposal, the city would provide the county with a detailed annual fire services budget covering operating and capital expenses.

A reserve fund equal to 20% to 30% of the annual fire budget would be maintained to address unexpected costs and revenue shortfalls. Use of the reserve would require approval from both the city manager and county administrator.

The agreement would also require annual independent audit attestations of the Fire Service Fund, with the county retaining the ability to request additional independent audits.

Fire assessment rate studies would be conducted every three years rather than every five years, with any resulting rate changes requiring approval from both governing bodies.

The proposal also calls for a revised fire assessment structure, preferably based on square footage, and a method for charging vacant land that currently receives fire protection without contributing to the Fire Services Fund.

Additionally, the city would seek to move collection of fire assessments from utility bills to property assessments or another uniform collection method.

Fire Stations and Employee Benefits

One significant provision calls for Leon County to purchase Fire Stations 10 through 15, located in unincorporated areas, from the city at prices established under the existing interlocal agreement.

The county would then lease those facilities back to the city for $1 annually.

The proposal also includes construction of Fire Station 17 on the Southside, with a target cost ceiling of $20 million. The joint letter identifies Lake Bradford Road as the proposed location.

Another provision addresses the city’s desire to move firefighters to a 42-hour workweek.

Under the framework, the county would agree to pay its share of associated costs, including a potential rate increase if financial information demonstrates the need. That would be the only county rate increase during the existing agreement term until completion of a mutually approved rate study.

However, the framework does not provide cost estimates for the proposed workweek change or identify the resulting assessment increases that could be required to fund the change.

Long-Term Stability

The proposed 20-year agreement would require at least three years’ notice before termination or nonrenewal. Without notice, the agreement would automatically renew for another 20 years.

Both governments would withdraw existing termination or expiration notices during negotiations, and the county would drop claims against the city arising from contracts predating the new agreement.

The framework also calls for agreed-upon performance standards covering response times, staffing, equipment and insurance ratings in unincorporated areas, with annual reporting to the county.

If the agreement ultimately ended, a previously negotiated automatic aid agreement would take effect to maintain emergency response coordination.

The agreement is not final. The financial commitments, assessment changes and other provisions remain subject to negotiations, legal review and votes by both governing bodies.

Photo credit: Tristan Wood, WFSU

Now, following the November 3 election, progressives have the votes to implement their vision.

With Mayor-elect Jeremy Matlow, Commissioner Jack Porter and newly elected Commissioner P.J. Perez forming a 3-2 majority, the political dynamics at City Hall have fundamentally changed.

The question is no longer what progressives oppose. It is what they will accomplish.

Economic Growth

Matlow has criticized the city’s traditional economic development approach, arguing that public resources should focus more on locally owned businesses, struggling neighborhoods and working families.

His proposals include business incubators, affordable housing, neighborhood investment and streamlining business permitting.

However, economic growth requires more than redistributing public resources. Tallahassee must attract private investment, expand its tax base and create higher-paying jobs.

Progressives have frequently challenged development proposals and questioned incentives offered to businesses. Their new approach could mean greater regulation, more scrutiny of development and a shift away from traditional business recruitment.

Will these policies encourage investment or discourage businesses from locating in Tallahassee?

Public Safety

Matlow has emphasized poverty reduction and community-based violence prevention programs as important strategies for reducing crime.

His approach could shift additional resources toward social programs designed to address the underlying causes of violence.

These initiatives deserve consideration, but residents will also expect adequate police staffing, effective enforcement and measurable reductions in violent crime.

The new majority must demonstrate that its approach can improve public safety rather than simply change spending priorities.

Utilities

Perhaps the most consequential changes could involve Tallahassee’s electric utility.

Matlow and Porter have supported accelerating the transition from natural gas toward renewable energy while arguing that utility bills can be reduced.

However, expanding renewable generation and battery storage requires significant capital investment. The financial implications of accelerating the transition remain unresolved.

With a governing majority, progressives can now pursue their energy priorities. They must explain how those investments will affect electric rates, reliability and city finances.

The Test of Leadership

The election represents a significant opportunity for progressives, but also removes a convenient political defense.

They can no longer blame a commission majority for blocking their proposals.

Their decisions will determine whether Tallahassee becomes more affordable, economically competitive and safer—or whether ideological priorities produce unintended consequences.

Voters have given progressives the authority to govern. They have also given them responsibility for the results.

The era of opposition is over. The era of accountability begins.

Amendment 3, approved by Florida voters on November 3, increases homestead exemptions and reduces property tax revenue for local governments.

The City of Tallahassee faces an estimated $29 million revenue reduction over two years, including approximately $10 million in the first year.

However, Matlow told WFSU that the financial consequences are manageable.

“It’s not a doomsday scenario like some would predict,” Matlow said, noting that Tallahassee benefits from a substantial commercial property tax base and student housing.

His comments contrast with pre-election reports emphasizing potentially devastating reductions in local government services, including public safety, parks, transportation and other programs. Matlow believes spending reductions can be achieved without significantly affecting residents.

“I think we can make the necessary cuts and people in Tallahassee aren’t going to see a noticeable difference in the delivery of service,” he said.

Matlow plans to scrutinize administrative salaries, nonessential departments, travel expenses and food budgets.

Beginning in January, he intends to conduct departmental budget reviews, examining staffing levels and opportunities for reductions.

The coming budget process will test whether Matlow can deliver the spending reductions he anticipates while maintaining existing city services.

The report, prepared by the Tallahassee Police Department, covers enforcement activity from July 1, 2025, through June 30, 2026.

During the reporting period, 48 speed cameras operated at 23 Leon County public schools within city limits.

Of the 46,764 notices issued, 30,116 were paid. Another 10,482 violations resulted in uniform traffic citations, while 1,191 were pending conversion to traffic citations.

The report indicates that 138 contested violations were upheld, two were dismissed, and 83 remained pending.

Revenue Distribution

The program generated $3,299,076.62 in total collections, including payments from notices of violation and uniform traffic citations.

Of that amount, the City retained approximately $1.41 million after payments to the camera vendor, RedSpeed FL, LLC. The vendor received approximately $730,321.

The City’s retained revenue supports its school crossing guard program and other public safety initiatives.

Other distributions included approximately $396,000 to Leon County Schools and payments to state government agencies.

Program Background

City commissioners approved the camera enforcement ordinance in May 2024, following a traffic study that identified significant speeding near local schools.

The study recorded more than 47,000 speeding violations in one day and identified 29 school locations where at least 100 vehicles exceeded posted speed limits by 10 mph or more.

The November 18 agenda item is informational, with city staff recommending that commissioners accept the annual report.

Single-parent households can face greater financial pressures because household expenses often must be supported by one parent rather than two. However, the Census figures alone do not establish the income or economic circumstances of individual families.

The findings are particularly relevant to local discussions about poverty, housing affordability, educational outcomes and economic mobility.

The Numbers

The data show that 35.26% of children under age 18 living in households in Leon County reside in single-parent households, placing Leon first among the state’s 37 larger counties.

Duval County ranked second at 33.24%, followed by Escambia County (32.10%), Sumter County (31.52%) and Alachua County (31.09%).

Leon County’s rate was more than two percentage points higher than second-place Duval County and more than six percentage points above Miami-Dade County, which reported 28.87%.

At the other end of the rankings, St. Johns County reported the lowest percentage at 13.36%, followed by Santa Rosa County (16.12%), Martin County (18.68%) and Clay County (19.25%).

The data also reveal that Leon County’s percentage has increased slightly since 2020.

In 2020, 34.82% of Leon County children lived in single-parent households. By 2024, that figure had increased to 35.26%, a rise of 0.44 percentage points.

Leon County ranked ninth among the 37 larger counties in the increase in its single-parent household percentage between 2020 and 2024.

Indian River County experienced the largest increase, rising 4.47 percentage points, followed by St. Lucie County (3.97 points), Hernando County (2.78 points) and Okaloosa County (2.16 points).

For Leon County, the central finding is clear: Its rate is the highest among Florida’s 37 larger counties, and the percentage has increased slightly since 2020.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey data, 2020–2024, as compiled in the supplied county comparison spreadsheet. Rankings are limited to counties with 2024 populations exceeding 95,000. The data measure the percentage of children living in single-parent households, rather than the percentage of all households headed by a single parent.

Williams-Cox received 35,804 votes (51.7%) compared to Inman-Johnson’s 33,433 votes (48.3%), a margin of 2,371 votes, according to the district-level election analysis.

The geographic breakdown reveals significant differences between the Seat 5 contest and the mayoral race, particularly in Southside and student neighborhoods where Matlow accumulated substantial margins over Loranne Ausley.

District 1 – Southside

Williams-Cox narrowly carried District 1, which includes predominantly Black neighborhoods on Tallahassee’s Southside, receiving 50.7% of the vote compared to Inman-Johnson’s 49.3%. Her margin was just 192 votes.

The result contrasts sharply with the mayoral election, where Matlow defeated Ausley by 2,222 votes, receiving 57.8% of the district’s vote.

The nearly even division in the Seat 5 race suggests that Williams-Cox maintained support among Southside voters who favored Matlow in the mayoral contest.

This was a critical difference between the two races. While Matlow built a substantial advantage on the Southside, Inman-Johnson was unable to generate a similar margin.

District 2 – Student Areas

Inman-Johnson’s strongest percentage came in District 2, which includes Florida State University and surrounding student neighborhoods.

Inman-Johnson received 53.1% of the vote, defeating Williams-Cox by 589 votes.

However, Matlow performed significantly better in the same district, receiving 64.6% of the vote and defeating Ausley by 2,856 votes.

The difference of 11.5 percentage points between Matlow’s and Inman-Johnson’s support indicates that a substantial portion of voters who supported Matlow did not extend that support to Inman-Johnson. This was particularly consequential because District 2 provided Matlow with his largest district margin in the mayoral race.

District 3 – Waverly, Betton Hills Area

Williams-Cox carried District 3, which includes the Waverly and Betton Hills neighborhoods, receiving 51% compared to Inman-Johnson’s 49%, a margin of 288 votes.

The results closely mirrored the mayoral contest, where Ausley received 51.6% compared to Matlow’s 48.4%, winning by 485 votes.

Both contests indicate that District 3 continues to provide a modest advantage to more moderate candidates, although neither Williams-Cox nor Ausley established a decisive margin.

District 4 – Northeast Tallahassee

Williams-Cox’s strongest performance came in the more conservative Northeast neighborhoods, including Killearn and Summerbrooke.

Williams-Cox received 60.2% of the vote, defeating Inman-Johnson by 2,700 votes.

In the mayoral contest, Ausley performed even better, receiving 62.5% and defeating Matlow by 3,598 votes.

The results demonstrate that Northeast Tallahassee remains a stronghold for candidates opposing the progressive slate.

Importantly, Williams-Cox’s 2,700-vote advantage in District 4 exceeded her citywide victory margin of 2,371 votes. Without the substantial Northeast margin, Williams-Cox would have lost the election.

District 5 – Eastside

Inman-Johnson narrowly carried District 5, which includes neighborhoods east of downtown along the Mahan Drive and Apalachee Parkway corridors.

Inman-Johnson received 50.6% of the vote, defeating Williams-Cox by 220 votes.

Matlow also carried District 5, receiving 51% and defeating Ausley by 370 votes.

The similar results suggest that the Eastside remains competitive territory, with a slight advantage for progressive candidates.

The Bottom Line

The biggest difference between the Seat 5 and mayoral races was the performance of progressive candidates in Districts 1 and 2.

Matlow accumulated a combined 5,078-vote advantage in the Southside and student districts. Inman-Johnson, by comparison, managed a combined advantage of only 397 votes in those same districts.

That represents a 4,681-vote difference in the two progressive candidates’ combined margins across these districts.

Meanwhile, Williams-Cox received enough support in Northeast Tallahassee to overcome her losses in Districts 2 and 5, while narrowly winning Districts 1 and 3.

The outcome also highlights the continuing political importance of Northeast Tallahassee. While the Northeast margin was insufficient to deliver a mayoral victory for Ausley, it proved decisive in Williams-Cox’s reelection.

For future city elections, the results suggest that strong Southside and student-area support will remain essential for progressive candidates seeking to overcome the substantial margins more moderate candidates continue to receive in Northeast Tallahassee.

The nonbinding straw ballot failed with 68,627 voters (60.51%) opposed and 44,792 (39.49%) in favor.

The proposal asked whether the county should develop a plan to combine city and county governments under Leon County’s governmental structure and leadership.

Any consolidation would require approval by the Florida Legislature and a subsequent voter referendum.

Voters previously rejected consolidation proposals in 1971, 1973, 1976 and 1992. The 1992 proposal failed by a 60% to 40% margin, nearly identical to Tuesday’s result. Historical opposition has centered on concerns about rural representation, taxation, law enforcement and the distribution of government services.

Supporters have argued consolidation could reduce duplication and improve government efficiency.

The latest rejection comes despite existing cooperation between city and county governments through shared planning, economic development, emergency dispatch and Blueprint programs. Unlike previous binding consolidation referendums, Tuesday’s advisory vote did not propose a specific consolidation charter.

Matlow received 37,063 votes (50.9%) compared to Ausley’s 35,698 votes (49.1%), a margin of 1,365 votes.

The geographic breakdown reveals significant differences from the 2022 mayoral election, when incumbent John Dailey defeated progressive challenger Kristin Dozier by nearly 4,000 votes.

District 1 – Southside

Matlow captured 57.8% of the vote in District 1, which includes predominantly Black neighborhoods on Tallahassee’s Southside. His 8,250 votes exceeded Ausley’s 6,028 by 2,222 votes.

This represents a significant reversal from 2022, when Dailey defeated Dozier in the district by 735 votes.

The results indicate that Matlow’s campaign successfully attracted support in an area that previously favored the more moderate mayoral candidate.

District 2 – Student Areas

Matlow’s strongest percentage came in District 2, which includes Florida State University and surrounding student neighborhoods.

Matlow received 64.6% of the vote, defeating Ausley by 2,856 votes.

In 2022, Dozier carried the district by just 662 votes. Matlow’s substantially larger margin provided a critical advantage.

District 3 – Waverly, Betton Hills area

Ausley narrowly carried District 3, receiving 51.6% compared to Matlow’s 48.4%, a margin of 485 votes.

Dailey won the district by 654 votes in 2022, indicating continued support for more moderate candidates, although by a smaller margin.

District 4 – Northeast Tallahassee

Ausley’s strongest performance came in the more conservative Northeast neighborhoods, including Killearn and Summerbrooke.

Ausley received 62.5% of the vote, defeating Matlow by 3,598 votes.

In 2022, Dailey carried the district by 3,816 votes, demonstrating the Northeast’s continued importance as a stronghold for moderate candidates.

District 5 – Eastside

Matlow narrowly carried District 5, which includes neighborhoods east of downtown along the Mahan Drive and Apalachee Parkway corridors. Matlow received 51% of the vote, winning by 370 votes. Dozier carried the district by 553 votes in 2022.

The Bottom Line

The biggest difference between 2026 and the Dailey-Dozier race in 2022 was the Southside, where a 735-vote advantage for Dailey became a 2,222-vote advantage for Matlow — a net swing of 2,957 votes toward the progressive candidate. Combined with Matlow’s expanded advantage in District 2, that shift was sufficient to overcome Ausley’s substantial Northeast margin.

The results suggest that Tallahassee’s progressive coalition expanded beyond its traditional student and eastside base, fundamentally changing the electoral geography that delivered Dailey’s victory four years earlier.

Mayor Jeremy Matlow defeated former state Sen. Loranne Ausley in a close contest, receiving 37,063 votes (50.94%) to Ausley’s 35,698 votes (49.06%). Matlow’s margin of victory was 1,365 votes out of 72,761 cast.

In the City Commission Seat 3 race, progressive candidate P.J. Perez defeated Tom Derzypolski by a substantial margin, receiving 44,427 votes (64.21%) compared to Derzypolski’s 24,764 votes (35.79%).

However, progressive candidate Dot Inman-Johnson was unsuccessful in her attempt to unseat incumbent Commissioner Dianne Williams-Cox in Seat 5. Williams-Cox received 35,638 votes (51.70%) compared to Inman-Johnson’s 33,292 votes (48.30%), a margin of 2,346 votes.

With all 80 precincts reporting, the results establish a progressive majority consisting of Matlow, Perez and Commissioner Jack Porter. Williams-Cox and Commissioner Curtis Richardson will represent the minority bloc.

The new alignment could have significant implications for city policies and spending priorities.

During the campaign, progressive candidates emphasized affordable housing, government accountability, environmental protection and changes to the city’s approach to growth and development.

With three votes, the progressive majority could advance policies that previously faced resistance, including additional development regulations, changes to utility policies and greater scrutiny of city spending and economic development incentives.

The majority could also influence appointments to city advisory boards and the selection of leadership positions, while potentially revisiting decisions made by previous commissions.

One area to watch will be the city’s relationship with developers. Matlow and Porter have frequently challenged development proposals and policies they contend favor developers over existing neighborhoods. Perez’s election provides another potential vote for that approach.

Utility rates and the city’s electric utility investments could also become contentious as commissioners consider future energy projects and their financial impact on customers.

However, campaign promises will now face the practical challenges of governing, including budget limitations, existing contractual obligations and competing demands for city services.

For Matlow, Porter and Perez, the challenge will be translating their campaign positions into governing decisions while demonstrating that their policies can deliver measurable results for city residents.

Permits

For the month of September, the number of single-family residential construction permits were up 119.4% when compared to September 2025. There were 68 permits issued in September 2026, compared to 31 permits issued one year ago. There were 47 permits issued last month, August 2026.

The 3-Mnth Avg. data (Jul. – Sep.), which smooths out the month-to-month volatility, shows a 74.4% increase in the number of permits issued over the same 3-month period one year ago.

Permit Value

The September permit value was up 82.3%, from $7.9 million in September 2025 to $14.4 million in 2026.

The 3-Mnth Avg. data show a 22.0% increase in monthly average permit value during this period. The 3-month average permit values increased from $10.9 million in September 2025 to $13.3 million in September 2026.

Long Term Trend

The chart below shows the number of permits issued each month for the last 37-month period. A 3-month average line is also included. The highlighted numbers relate to permits issued in the month of September back to 2023.

The chart shows that the 3-month average declining trend that began in June 2025 has been reversed. The year-to-date (YTD) numbers through September show 2026 permits (502) are ahead of the number of permits issued during the first nine months of 2025 (410) and 2024 (407).

The latest campaign finance report for Friends of Jeremy Matlow shows a $40,000 payment to The Win Number, a political consulting firm Estanga established in late August 2026.

The payment follows a $200,000 contribution to the PAC from the California-based Green Advocacy Project, an organization supporting progressive candidates and environmental policies.

The financial transactions represent the latest chapter in a political controversy that began in July and appeared to end with Estanga’s resignation.

On July 23, Tallahassee Reports revealed that a Facebook page called “Tallahassee Conservatives” had been used to distribute damaging information about Talethia Edwards, a Black Democrat running for City Commission Seat 3 against Matlow-backed candidate PJ Perez.

Estanga subsequently acknowledged responsibility for the deceptive Facebook operation, said she acted alone and resigned from the Matlow and Perez campaigns. Matlow denied involvement and accepted her resignation.

However, the separation was short-lived.

On August 18, Estanga appeared at Matlow’s election-night gathering alongside Ryan Ray, Matlow’s City Commission aide and chairman of the Leon County Democratic Party.

By late August, Estanga had established The Win Number.

On September 14, Matlow’s campaign paid her new company $4,000 for field consulting, according to a September 30 Tallahassee Democrat report.

Matlow defended the arrangement, describing Estanga as a talented organizer and data analyst whose company was coordinating voter canvassing.

Following the renewed scrutiny, Estanga publicly declared, “I’m here to stay baby.”

Now, the reported $40,000 PAC expenditure places Estanga’s consulting firm in an even more substantial financial relationship with Matlow’s political operation.

The chronology is clear: Estanga resigned following a campaign controversy, returned to Matlow’s political operation, established a consulting firm and subsequently received substantial campaign-related payments.

What began as a public separation in July has become a significant financial relationship just days before the November 3 election.